On Sunday, President Joe Biden announced he is ending his reelection bid and endorsing Vice President Kamala Harris. Now Democrats must navigate a shift that is unprecedented this late in an election year.

Democrats are set to hold their convention in Chicago on Aug. weed 19-22. What was supposed to be a coronation for Biden now becomes an open contest in which nearly 4,700 delegates will be responsible for picking a new standard-bearer to challenge Republican Donald Trump in the fall.

The path ahead is neither easy nor obvious, even with Biden endorsing Harris. There are unanswered questions about logistics, money and politic dispensary al fallout.

After Biden’s poor performance at the first presidential debate, concerns over the president’s age and mental acuity dominated conversations buy weed online canada . During the debate, Biden had trouble forming sentences, trailed off at times and stumbled over his words. He also appeared physically diminished, standing with his mouth agape and speaking in a quiet, raspy voice.

In the weeks since the debate, nearly three dozen Democrats in Congress and five senators publicly called on Biden to bow out. Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi also privately warned Biden that Democrats could lose the ability to seize control of the House if he didn’t step away from the 2024 race, according to several people familiar with the sensitive online dispensary internal matters.

The political reaction to Biden’s withdrawal from presidential race

On Sunday, Biden endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris to replace him at the top of the ticket, and other parts of the Democratic Party quickly showed their support. The Congressional Black Caucus political action committee, which is a fundraising organization, backed Harris in a statement on Sunday, as well as the Progressive Caucus.

But Biden’s endorsement does not guarantee Harris’s nomination, and it’s not clear yet whether the Democratic party will rally around the vice president in a show of unity, or enter into a period of fractious infighting .

Before Biden announced his decision, Democrats floated California Gov. Gavin Newsom and Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer as potential contenders, in addition to Harris.

Yet some Democrats argued publicly, and many privately, that it would be a no-brainer to elevate Harris, who would be the first woman, first Black woman online dispensary and first person of south Asian descent to hold national office.

Given how important Black voters – and Black women especially – were to Biden’s nomination and his choice of Harris as running mate, it would be risky, to say the least, for Democrats to pass her over for a white nominee. Democrats already faced historical headwinds before Biden’s withdrawal. Newsom and Whitmer, both of whom are white, and any other Democrat would also have to weigh the short-term and long-term benefits of challenging Harris now versus preserving goodwill for a future presidential primary.

Yet, fair or not, Harris also has not been viewed as an especially beloved or empowered vice president. The best scenario for her and Democrats is to quickly shore up support and project a united front.

There is no modern precedent for how the Democratic Party will now choose its presidential candidate.

Biden won nearly every state primary and caucus earlier this year. Normally the delegates of those states would vote for Biden to be the party’s official presidential nominee at the Democratic National Convention, which is set to take place Aug. 19-22 in Chicago.

Since current party rules do not permit Biden to force his delegates to vote for another candidate, Harris needs to gain support across almost 4,000 delegates from the states, territories and District of Columbia, plus more than 700 so-called superdelegates that include party leaders, certain elected officials and former presidents and vice presidents.

In order to secure the nomination, Harris would need to get a majority – that is, more votes than all the others combined.

But if the delegates fail to unite behind one candidate and no one achieves a majority, then there would be a brokered convention, in which the delegates act as free agents and negotiate with the party leadership.

This year’s convention has a historical echo of the contentious 1968 convention held after President Lyndon B. Johnson decided not to seek re-election, and following the assassination of one of those seeking to replace him, senator Robert F. Kennedy. The party ultimately nominated Hubert Humphrey, who lost to Richard Nixon.

During a brokered convention, which is sometimes called an open convention, delegates would choose a nominee on the fly. Rules would be established and there would be roll call votes for names placed into nomination.

It could take several rounds of voting for someone to get a majority and become the nominee. The last brokered convention when Democrats failed to nominate a candidate on the first ballot was in 1952, when four major candidates sought the nomination. Governor Adlai Stevenson II of Illinois was nominated on the third ballot.

Biden’s campaign recently reported $91 million cash on hand. Allied Democratic campaign committees brought the total at his disposal to more than $240 million. Campaign finance experts agree generally that Harris could control all those funds since the campaign was set up in her name as well as Biden’s.

If Democrats do nominate someone other than Harris, party accounts could still benefit the nominee, but the Biden-Harris account would have more restrictions. For example, legal experts say the money could be transferred to a Super PAC, officially known as an independent expenditure political action committee, which could then use the money to finance another nominee.

The vice presidential nomination is always a separate convention vote. In routine years, the convention ratifies the choice of the nominee. If Harris closes ranks quickly, she could name her choice and have the delegates ratify it. In an extended fight, though, the vice presidency could become part of horse-trading — again, a return to conventions of an earlier era.

Any curveball during a U.S. presidential campaign is certain to produce a flurry of state and federal lawsuits in this hyper-partisan era, and some conservatives have threatened just that.

State laws, though, typically do not prescribe how parties choose their nominees for president. And some GOP figures – Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine and Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey – have worked already this year to ensure their party did not deny Democrats’ routine ballot access.

With reports from Nathan Vanderklippe, Associated Press and Reuters